This study provides a qualitative analysis of the strained relationship between the police and the Arab community in Israel and an attempt to better understand the reasons for the lack of effective policing in the Arab community. The paper aims to  broaden the scope of analysis by removing the focus from the state as a unitary  causal factor and by viewing the relationship between the Israeli state and the Arab society as mutually transformative, reciprocal and interconnected.

This study examines the under representation and exclusion of Arabs from planning and planning institutions in Israel. It reviews the internal and external barriers to the Arab population's involvement and to the Arab planners' degree of participation in planning processes. The study highlights the systematic institutional failure to fulfill its obligation to include a representation of Arabs in these institutions and its impact on the relationship between the state and the Arab public.

This research examines how and why both Israelis and Palestinians cross borders into alien territory, and the way in which each of the groups confronts the "invasion" of its rival into its home territory.

Its main findings show that the more mutually inclusive territorial identity a place has the more positive an interactional pattern will occur in it, and vise-versa.

This study attempts to evaluate the degree of independence and entrepreneurship among a group of Arab Muslim women, rural and Bedouin, and their own viewpoints on issues relating to independence, entrepreneurship, economic involvement and their social and legal status against a background of a changing global economy.

This study focuses on the migration to Jerusalem by young Palestinian-Israeli women from Arab localities in Israel and on their eventual choice to settle in the city rather than return to their native localities. The study examines the considerations that determine their initial decision to migrate to Jerusalem, usually for the purpose of studies or employment. The characteristics of these young women are examined, as are those unique characteristics of Jerusalem as a migration-absorbing city. Their choice to reside in neighborhoods within Jerusalem and shifts in their socio-economic status resulting from the move are also explored.

This study examines the customs and social accommodations governing Arab society on issues of land management, among them: identifying boundaries, parceling land, land uses and land holding. All these developed in a rural society in which land passed on from one generation to the next. The development of land legislation in Israel and its impacts on land management under conditions of urbanization are also examined. The differences between the two systems (customs versus regulations) from social, economic, cultural and political aspects and considers their planning implications on land uses and spatial development.

This study examines the relationship between nationalism and democracy in Israel and offers several scenarios on the issue of future relations between the Jewish majority and the Arab minority in Israel. The study focuses on the following cardinal questions:

* What is the ratio between nationalism and democracy in Israel?
* What are the factors shaping this ratio in Israel?
* What are the possible scenarios on the issues of nationalism and democracy and minority-majority relations in Israel?
* What can be done in light of the future possibilities described in the scenarios?

This publication presents the complex reality of Jerusalem as a divided city analyzed by six contributors. Shlomo Hasson examines the territorial, social, economic, and political developments in Jerusalem and explores how they may affect possible solutions to the problem of Jerusalem. Shlomo Hasson and Rami Nasrallah explore the different possible futures that may be played out in the city due to the impact of local, national, and international developments. Rassem Khamaisi proposes the alleviation of the Palestinian plight through the realization of the right to the city. Amiram Gonen explores new ways of strengthening Jerusalem by creating new contacts between Israelis and Palestinians. Noam Shoval examines the morphology of the city and the impact of the security barrier on everyday life. Ifat Maoz presents survey data on public opinion regarding different solutions to the problem of Jerusalem.

This publication examines the Sakhnin-Misgav land dispute in the Galilee as a test case for one of the main issues of majority-minority relations in Israel. The study outlines the various forces involved, directly or indirectly, in the protracted debates held by a special committee nominated by the Minister of the Interior on requests by the Sakhnin municipality to extend its municipal boundaries. The study mainly focuses on analyzing the characteristics of the discourse among the various factors involved in planning and lands uses, both in this particular case and on an overall national level. The analysis highlights the rise of new powers in the planning arena and the ongoing land discourse, and most particularly the appearance of civil groups and organizations.  Concurrently, central government does not relinquish its hold or influence on these issues, at times applying covert practices which endorse the inequitable spatial division.

This study examines collective educational rights within the framework of an in-depth review of the relations between the Jewish majority and the Arab-Palestinian minority in Israel. The study offers examples of minority educational systems elsewhere, highlighting similarities and differences between them and the Arab-Palestinian minority. The study also touches upon the investment in resources and the commensurate achievements as well as on the organizational framework of the Arab educational system in Israel.

This study presents the views and perceptions of Arab and Jewish residents on the separation fence built in proximity to or actually on the "Green Line," as a result of the brutal terrorist attacks conducted by Palestinian organizations against Jewish localities. The study is based on interviews with residents of Arab and Jewish localities near and west of the "Green Line". In these interviews the researchers sought the plethora of views, conceptions, feelings, experiences and their analysis as to the impact of the separation fence on residents.

This book deals with two main questions: what are the barriers to the equality and the development of the Arabs in Israel? and how can the effect of these barriers be reduced?

The picture presented by the book is that despite certain improvements in the social area, especially in the area of education, the inequality between Jews and Arabs remains as it was.  The book offers a preliminary background for the analysis of the fundamental barriers preventing equality between Arabs and Jews in Israel.

Proposals to cede Arab localities from Israeli to Palestinian sovereignty, presented as "populated land exchanges", involve forcibly revoking the citizenship of tens of thousands of Arabs. Since the October 2000 events these proposals penetrated the heart of public discourse. The Arab leadership and public vehemently oppose these proposals. This study examines the Jewish discourse supporting the idea alongside Arab opposition to it in Israel and the territories as well as its implications on the character of the State of Israel. It examines Israeli and international legal perspectives and demographic and territorial implications. The study emphasizes the danger and folly of this idea and recommends discussing the idea as part of the Arab-Jewish discourse and as part of the status of the Arab minority in a democratic Jewish state.

This study attempts to assess the various impacts of the separation barrier on the sense of affiliation and identity, the economy and the spatial organization of the Arab population in Israel. The study points to the unequivocal message to the Arabs in Israel, that they will continue to be citizens of the state in any future agreement with the Palestinians.The fence however, creates a barrier between them and their brethren, their families and cultural affiliations across the other side. The fence makes economic ties with Palestinian urban centers more difficult, but on the other hand it accelerates local demand in Arab localities on the west side, thus contributing to a certain rate of growth in business and services which hitherto suffered a slump. Concurrently, localities in close proximity to the fence return to their pre 1967 peripheral status which stunts their development potential.

This publication is a product of a two-year cooperation effort between the International Peace and Cooperation Center and the Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies carried out with the support of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. The two teams worked on a series of scenarios regarding possible futures for Jerusalem, a vision of a desired future and a preliminary strategic framework towards its realization.

This study focuses on the attitude of the Arab community of Jaffa to the Hassan Bey Mosque in Tel Aviv-Jaffo. The Hassan Bey Mosque serves as a point of reference for discussion on the means employed by the Arab-Palestinian minority in Israel to preserve historical, religious and cultural assets, substantiate its civic status and enhance its inner cohesiveness by creating a stronger, more comprehensive collective identity. The mosque became a symbol and bastion of the Jaffa community’s struggle for possession over its historical assets, its desire for spatial expression and for the fundamental need of individuals and groups alike to enhance their proximity and affiliation to the landscape which they occupy.

This research is based on a model which aims to identify and map the psychological variants affecting, alongside demographic and other variants, political and strategic decisions in conflicts.

It identifies the factors underlying the support for specific compromise resolutions in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, thus complementing other studies which identify psychological, demographic and other factors underlying the militant policy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Arab-Jewish willingness to engage.  Identifying public preferences is likely to improve planning and intervention that will address, emotional and perception barriers to political processes (such as disengagement) in the conflict.

• This essay details the urban consequences of the Al Aqsa Intifadah and the separation barrier project on Jerusalem. In West Jerusalem, the onset of terror, and specifically a wave of suicide bombings, hastened the city’s decentralization. Rapid decline of the economy and the disappearance of tourism further battered the city’s vitality. Israel’s  increased barriering of the city, culminating in the separation barrier project, was a major low for the city’s Arab inhabitants, and the urban fabric of East Jerusalem. Neighborhoods inside and outside the barrier were divided, with massive effects on daily life, work opportunities, property values, and relocation patterns. The paper argues that without a strategic package of urban recovery measures, Jerusalem is in danger of becoming locked in a spiral of decline.